SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS
Updated as of May 2011
In 2010 and 2011, human rights defenders remained in a very precarious situation, in particular in the context of the intensified crackdown of peaceful social protests. Vaguely worded provisions of the Criminal Code and the interests of national security were frequently invoked in order to curtail human rights activities. Freedom of association also remained seriously hampered. Lawyers, women’s rights defenders, trade unionists and activists working to protect ethnic and religious minorities were particularly targeted.
Political context
Following the crackdown on demonstrations in the wake of the disputed June 2009 presidential elections, opposition demonstrations, albeit on a smaller scale, continued in 2010 and early 2011, but indiscriminately faced very harsh treatment, including the use of live ammunition, from security forces and Basij militias1. Impunity for human rights violations committed before and in the aftermath of the disputed June 2009 election also continued to prevail as no comprehensive investigations were launched.
Freedom of opinion and expression and access to information remained strictly restricted, with an increasing number of websites blocked by the authorities, including foreign broadcasters and major news sites. A large number of newspapers and other publications were closed down and dozens of journalists were arrested and subjected to travel bans, for merely expressing critical views of the Government2. The few remaining reformist media outlets were subjected to censorship and increasingly difficult licensing requirements. The use of the Internet, mobile phones, text messaging and access to social media websites continued to be strictly restricted, in particular in the context of demonstrations. Repeated summons to Government offices, prison premises and offices of the security apparatus were increasingly used to intimidate and harass journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders, lawyers defending high profile prisoners of conscience. Forced confessions, often broadcast by the State media, were routinely admitted by the courts as evidence. Torture and inhuman treatment remained a major problem.
In February 2010, the human rights record of Iran was examined under the Universal Periodic Review of the UN Human Rights Council. While the Government rejected 45 important recommendations out of 188, it did accept certain recommendations relating to, among others, the protection of human rights defenders, the enhancement of freedoms of expression and assembly, the independence of the judiciary as well as the investigation and prosecution of all those, including Government officials and paramilitary members, suspected of ill-treatment, torture or killing3. Yet, as of April 2011, those recommendations had not been followed by any concrete implementation. On June 15, 2010, marking the first anniversary of the crackdown on anti-Government protests in June 2009, the Human Rights Council expressed serious concerns over continuing systematic human rights violations in Iran. And while in April 2010 the General Assembly elected Iran to the Commission on the Status of Women, the country failed in its attempt to secure a seat on the board of the newly established UN Women in November 2010. On March 24, 2011, the Human Rights Council during its 16th session voted to establish the post of a Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Iran4. Both the United States5 and the European Union6 adopted sanctions against Iranian officials in connection with human rights violations.
Obstacles to freedom of association and harassment of members of human rights NGOs
In 2010-2011, freedom of association remained seriously hampered, as several human rights organisations continued to be closed, such as the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC), which was arbitrarily shut down in 2008, the Centre for the Defence of Prisoners’ Rights (CDPR) and the Journalists Association. Furthermore, as of April 2011, the Islamic Consultative Assembly - Iran’s Parliament - was carrying out a final reading of the Bill on the Establishment and Supervision of Non-Governmental Organisations (so-called NGO Law)7. The first 26 articles were even adopted in April 2011 but then, following strong criticisms on ambiguities, a motion was passed to send back the draft to the Committee on Social Affairs for three months of further study and amendment. Despite the fact that Article 26 of the Constitution provides for the formation of associations, if the bill were to be adopted, civil society organisations would face an increasingly restrictive environment, as several provisions would severely limit their independence8. Thus, Article 6 of the Bill provides for the formation of a Supreme Committee Supervising NGO Activities, a body with no accountability to public institutions. This is to be chaired by the Interior Ministry and will include representatives from the Intelligence Ministry, the police, the Basij, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and the Foreign Ministry, among others, but will have only one member representing NGOs. The Committee will be empowered to issue and revoke registration permits for all NGOs, and have ultimate authority over their boards of directors. Article 12 (d) of the Bill requires that demonstrations must be “non-political” and permitted by the Supreme Committee. Yet, in practice, the Iranian authorities do not grant permission for demonstrations that are critical of official policies. Article 12 also bans all contacts with international organisations without prior authorisation, including membership in international organisations, participating in training sessions or meetings abroad, signing contracts or memoranda of understanding and receiving funds or other aid from international organisations. Article 43 of the Bill, if approved, will also require all existing NGOs and associations to reapply for official registration within six months or face the risk of becoming illegal. Under the current Iranian law, the courts have the authority to decide whether a registered organisation should be closed down.
Human rights defenders also continued to be routinely harassed and arbitrarily detained for lengthy periods for their membership in human rights NGOs. For instance, on June 10, 2010, Ms. Nargess Mohammadi, DHRC Spokesperson, was arrested at her home without an arrest warrant and subsequently detained in Evin prison, Tehran. Ms. Mohammadi was released on July 1, 2010 on a 50,000 dollars bail. On February 22, 2011, Ms. Mohammadi appeared before Branch 26 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court, on charges of “membership of the Supreme Council of the DHRC”, “founding the National Council of Peace”9, “assembly and collusion to commit offences” and “propaganda against the system”. As of April 2011, the charges against her remained pending. On October 29, 2010, Mr. Mohammad Seifzadeh, founding member of the DHRC and prominent human rights lawyer, was sentenced to nine years’ imprisonment and 10 years’ ban on practice as lawyer by Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court, on charges of “acting against national security” through founding the DHRC, and “propaganda against the regime” through interviews with foreign media. On April 23, 2011, his lawyer announced that his client, who had been missing since April 11, had been arrested on that day and was held in a detention centre of the Intelligence Department in the city of Urumiyeh. As of April 2011, judicial proceedings also remained pending against Messrs. Mohammad Ali Dadkhah and Abdolfattah Soltani, both lawyers and founding members of the DHRC, following their arrest in July and June 200910. Although he was released on bail on June 23, 2010 on health grounds, Mr. Emadeddin Baghi, founder of the CDPR and laureate of the 2009 Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders as well as of the 2005 Human Rights Prize of the French Republic, was summoned on September 21, 2010 by the Tehran Revolutionary Court regarding the closure in 2009 of the CDPR. He was then informed that on August 17, 2010 he had been sentenced by Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court to six years of imprisonment on charges of “propaganda against the system” and “colluding against the security of the regime” in relation to an interview with the late Grand Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri. The sentence was later reduced to one year by the Court of Appeal of Tehran. On July 27, 2010, Mr. Baghi was also sentenced by Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court to one year of imprisonment and five years of ban on civil activities in another case for heading the CDPR, which was considered as spreading “propaganda against the system”. He was imprisoned on December 5, 2010 and remained detained as of April 201111. On March 17, 2011, Mr. Abdolreza Tajik, journalist and human rights activist cooperating with DHRC and winner of Freedom of Press Award of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in 2010, was sentenced by Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court to five years in prison for “membership of an illegal group”12 and one year for “propaganda against the regime”. As of April 2011, he remained accused of “publishing false reports in order to disrupt public opinion” and free on bail13.
Ongoing harassment of women’s rights defenders
Throughout 2010 and early 2011, women’s rights defenders continued to face serious reprisals for their legitimate work on human rights issues. Many faced intimidation, harassment and, in some cases, detention or travel bans, often on the basis of “external security threats” invoked by the authorities14. Their freedom of assembly was also routinely denied by the authorities. In particular, dozens of members of the “One Million Signatures” Campaign, a grassroots campaign to abolish gender discrimination in Iranian laws, were repeatedly imprisoned on often spurious charges such as “propaganda against the system” and “acting against national security”. As of April 2011, Ms. Zaynab Bayazidi15, Ms. Mahboubeh Karami16 and Ms. Fatemeh Masjedi, remained detained following their arrest, respectively, on July 19, 2008, March 2, 2010 and January 28, 2011. On January 14, 2010, Ms. Atieh Youssefi, who had been arrested in December 2009, was released on bail. She reportedly faced a charge of “acting against national security”. On February 5 and 25, 2010 respectively, Ms. Mahsa Hekmat and Ms. Somayyeh Rashidi, who had been arrested on January 2, 2010 and December 20, 2009, were also released. In March 2010, Ms. Maryam Zia, who had been arrested on December 31, 2009, was released after going on a hunger strike and being taken to the prison hospital. On September 9, 2010, she was sentenced to one year’s imprisonment on charge of “propaganda against the system” by Branch 28 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court but remained free as of April 2011 pending trial. Members of the group “Mourning Mothers”, whose children have been killed, detained or disappeared in post-election violence since June 2009, and who organise silent public protests each Saturday evening in Tehran’s Laleh Park, also continued to be targeted with harassment, arbitrary arrest and detention. For instance, on February 6, 2010 and in the night of February 8, Ms. Omolbanin Ebrahimi, Ms. Elham Ahsani, Ms. Jila Karamzadeh-Makvandi, Ms. Leyla Seyfollahi and Ms. Fatemeh Rastegari-Nasab were arrested at their places of residence. Ms. Farzaneh Zeynali was arrested on January 9, 2010 in Laleh Park. They were reportedly detained at Evin prison before being subsequently released. On April 9, 2011, Ms. Jila Karamzadeh-Makvandi and Ms. Leyla Seyfollahi were sentenced to four years’ imprisonment but remained free pending appeal. On May 17, 2010, Ms. Shadi Sadr, Director of “Raahi” (a legal advice centre for women), founder of Zanan-e Iran (a website dedicated to the work of Iranian women’s rights activists) and a journalist for Meydaan, an on-line newspaper of the “Stop Stoning to Death” Campaign, and Ms. Mahbubeh Abbas-Gholizadeh, founding member of Stop Stoning to Death Campaign and Women’s Charter, and Editor of the quarterly journal Farzaneh (Sage), were sentenced to respectively six years of imprisonment with 74 lashes and two and a half years of imprisonment with 30 lashes, on charges of “acting against national security and harming public order” after they participated in a rally within the framework of the One Million Signatures Campaign in March 2007 outside a revolutionary court where four fellow feminists were on trial. The two human rights defenders were tried in absentia and appealed the court’s decision, which remained pending as of April 2011. On September 18, 2010, Ms. Shiva Nazarahari, a member of the One Million Signatures Campaign and of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters in Iran (CHHR), was sentenced to six years of imprisonment, banishment in Izeh in south-west Iran and 74 whip lashes for “attempts to deface the Islamic Government”, “assembly and conspiracy against the Islamic Government”, “disturbing the public peace of mind” and “waging war against God”17. On January 8, 2011, the Appeal Court upheld four years of her imprisonment in internal exile in Karaj prison and 74 lashes. As of April 2011, she remained free. On January 31, 2011, Ms. Haleh Sahabi, a member of Mothers for Peace group, started to serve a two-year sentence issued by Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court after the Appeal Court upheld the sentence against her on charges of “propaganda against the system” and “disturbing public order”18. As of April 2011, Ms. Alieh Eghdamdoust, who is currently serving a three-year imprisonment sentence for her activities in the Campaign for Equality and as a result of her participation in a June 12, 2006 protest in Haft Tir square, and Ms. Ronak Safarzadeh, a member of the women’s rights organisation “Azar Mehr” in Sanandaj (Iranian Kurdistan) and an active member of the Campaign who has been detained since October 2007 and was sentenced in October 2009 to six years and seven months’ imprisonment, remained detained.
Ongoing targeting of human rights lawyers
In 2010-2011, the authorities continued to target human rights lawyers as an attempt to reduce the number of those who are prepared to defend victims of the overtly flawed judicial system, in particular human rights defenders and women’s rights activists, trade unionists and student activists, effectively criminalising human rights legal representation19. Several were arbitrary detained, others faced possible imprisonment and ban on practising their profession, while some others had to leave the country to avoid harassment and detention. On May 1, 2010, Mr. Mohammad Oliayfard, lawyer of several students, human rights and labour activists, was arrested on May 1, 2010 following a sentence by Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court dated February 7, 2010 to one year in prison for “propaganda against the system by giving interviews to the foreign media about Behnoud’s case”20. On April 18, 2011, Mr. Oliayfard was released after serving his sentence. On July 24, 2010, Mr. Mohammad Mostafaei, a renowned human rights lawyer who represented juveniles on death row and a number of high-profile human rights cases, was summoned to the Islamic Revolutionary Courts based within Evin prison, interrogated and released. Later on the same day, he was summoned again by phone. In the evening, his wife and brother-in-law were detained, after he refused to turn himself in, and charged with “helping Mr. Mostafaei hide”. Mr. Mostafaei was subsequently forced to flee Iran in the face of repeated summons and harassment of family members. On September 4, 2010, Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh, a prominent human rights lawyer known for defending juveniles facing death penalty, prisoners of conscience, human rights activists and children victims of abuse, was summoned by the Revolutionary Prosecutor’s office to Evin prison court on charges of “propaganda against the State” and “collusion and gathering with the aim of acting against national security”. She was arrested after her questioning, during which her lawyer was not permitted to be present21. On January 9, 2011, she was sentenced to eleven years’ imprisonment, 20 years of ban on professional activities and 20 years of ban on travelling abroad, for supposed “assembly and conspiracy with the intention to commit offences against the security of the State”, “propaganda against the regime”, and “membership in an illegal organisation [the DHRC]”22. As of April 2011, she remained arbitrarily detained in a solitary cell of Section 209 of Evin prison. On November 13, 2010, Ms. Sara (Hajar) Sabaghian, Ms. Maryam Karbasi and Ms. Maryam Kianersi, three women lawyers active in the defence of journalists, bloggers, young people and in the defence of women sentenced to death, were arrested at Tehran airport for “activities against State security”. They were released on December 14, November 18 and December 14, 2010 respectively. Furthermore, on January 23, 2011, Messrs. Farshid Yadollahi and Amir Eslami, both members of the Human Rights Commission of the Iranian Bar Association and lawyers of Gonabadi Dervishes, were sentenced to six months of imprisonment by the Court of First Instance of Kish Island, on charges of “forging title of lawyer”, “acting against national security”, “publishing lies” and “disturbing public minds”. A seven-month imprisonment sentence against the third lawyer of Gonabadi Dervishes, Mr. Mostafa Daneshju, was upheld by the Mazandaran Appeal Court in the northern city of Neka on charges of “publishing lies and disturbing public minds”23. On February 2, 2011, Mr. Khalil Bahramian, a human rights lawyer and member of the International Committee Against Executions, was sentenced by Branch 28 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court to 18 months in prison and banned from practising law for ten years for his defence of political activists on charges of “propaganda against the system”, and “insulting the head of the judiciary”. Mr. Bahramian appealed the sentence, which remained pending as of April 2011.
Repression of labour activists and trade union leaders
As in previous years, trade union activists faced harsh repression in 2010-2011. For instance, on June 12, 2010, Mr. Reza Shahabi, the Treasurer and board member of the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company (Sherkat-e Vahed), was arrested upon order of the Ministry of Intelligence without charges. From December 5 to 19, 2010, he went on a two-week hunger strike, and spent a week in hospital after his health deteriorated. As of April 2011, he remained detained in Evin prison. Furthermore, Mr. Mansour Osaloo (a.k.a Osanloo), President of Sherkat-e Vahed, has remained in custody since July 2007 in the remote top-security in Raja’i Shahr prison, in Karaj, near Tehran, where he is serving a five-year imprisonment under extremely harsh conditions, for “propaganda” and “activities against the State”. In addition, on August 1, 2010, Mr. Osanloo was sentenced by Branch One of the Revolutionary Courts to one more year in prison for “propaganda against the system”. While in detention, Mr. Osanloo’s health condition has deteriorated. He has reportedly suffered several heart attacks and was transferred to hospital on several occasions, but the Ministry of Intelligence interrogators systematically intervened to stop his treatment and to return him to prison. Moreover, from January 1 to 8, 2011, Mr. Osanloo spent one week in solitary confinement for addressing the participants at a funeral that other prisoners of conscience had held inside the prison in memory of a political prisoner, following his execution. His pregnant daughter-in-law suffered a miscarriage on June 23, 2010, after being attacked by agents of the Ministry of Intelligence on the street, with the apparent aim to punish the human rights activities of her father-in-law. As of April 2011, Mr. Ebrahim Madadi, Vice-President of Sherkat-e Vahed, also remained detained in Evin prison on the basis of a three and a half-year imprisonment sentence, which was issued against him in December 2008, while Mr. Hashem Khaksar, leader of Mashad Teachers’ Union, remained detained at Mashad’s Vakilabad prison, serving a two-year prison term for “acting against the security of the country”24. On November 3, 2010, Mr. Gholamreza Gholamhosseini, another member of Sherkat-e Vahed, was arrested. He was released on bail equivalent to USD 30,000 on April 27, 2011 awaiting trial. Finally, in January 2011, the Appeal Court upheld a six-year imprisonment sentence against Mr. Rassoul Bodaghi, a member of the board of directors of the Iranian Teachers’ Association, as well as a five-year ban on civil activities for “gathering and colluding with the intent to disrupt national security” and “propaganda against the system”. As of April 2011, Mr. Bodaghi, who was arrested in September 2009 and sentenced in first instance in August 2010, remained detained in Raja’i Shahr prison25.
Ongoing judicial harassment of defenders of minorities rights
In 2010-2011, defenders of the rights of, cultural, ethnic and religious minorities continued to be subjected to judicial harassment as reprisals for their human rights activities. On February 3, 2010, Mr. Kaveh Ghasemi Kermanshahi, a journalist member of the Central Council of the Human Rights Organisation of Kurdistan (RMMK), was arrested in Kermanshah, in western Iran, by seven security agents, who searched his home, confiscated his personal belongings, including his computer and written documents. In May 2010, he was released on a 100,000 USD bail. On January 30, 2011, he was sentenced by Branch 1 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Kermanshah to a five-year imprisonment on charges of “acting against the national security through membership of the Kurdistan Human Rights Organisation”, “propaganda against the system by publishing reports and news” and “contacts with families of prisoners and executed political prisoners”. On March 16, 2011, his lawyer was notified that his client had been sentenced by the Appeal Court to four years in prison for allegedly “acting against national security” and “propaganda against the regime” by giving interviews to the media and publishing news and reports about families of political prisoners and victims. Moreover, as of April 2011, several human rights defenders who had promoted Kurdish human rights remained arbitrarily detained since 2007, including Messrs. Adnan Hassanpoor, a member of the Iranian Kurdistan Journalists Association as well as a reporter for the Aso newspaper, Abdoulvahid (aka Hiwa) Boutimar, an active member of the environmental NGO “Sabzchia”26, and Mohammad Sadigh Kaboudvand, Editor-in-chief of the banned weekly Payam-e mardom-e Kurdestan (The Message of the People of Kurdistan) and President of the RMMK27. Mr. Sa’eed Matinpour, an Azeri journalist and cultural activist from the city of Zanjan, known for his writings calling for increased political, cultural and linguistic rights of the Azeri people in Iran, also remained detained28. On March 2, 2010, Mr. Navid Khanjani, a student member of CHRR, was arrested in Isfahan, before being released on May 3 on a 100,000 USD bail29. On January 30, 2011, his lawyer was informed that his client was sentenced by Branch 26 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court to a 12-year imprisonment and a monetary fine for “spreading lies”, “disturbing the public opinion and propaganda against the system by giving interviews to foreign media” and “membership of CHRR”. Mr. Khanjani, who was previously banned from pursuing higher education for being a member of the Baha’i religious minority in Iran, was also charged with “founding an organisation for people banned from pursuing higher education”. He was also banned from travelling abroad in an earlier sentence. He appealed the sentence but, as of April 2011, it had not been examined yet.
1 For instance, on December 7, 2010, during the Student Day demonstrations security forces arrested about a dozen students who were calling for greater political freedom. On February 14, 2011, several thousand people who took to the streets in Tehran to show support for the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt suffered a ruthless crackdown by security forces. Furthermore, following the placing under house arrest in February 2011 of two leaders of the opposition movement, opposition groups called for rallies. As a result, more than 200 participants of the demonstrations were arrested in March 2011.
2 See UN Secretary General Report, The situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, UN Document A/63/370, September 15, 2010.
3 See Human Rights Council, Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review: Islamic Republic of Iran, UN Document A/HRC/14/12, March 15, 2010.
4 See Human Rights Council Resolution, Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, UN Document A/HRC/16/9, April 8, 2011.
5 The Obama administration announced sanctions against eight high level officials, responsible for systematic and widespread human rights violations from various branches of the Government, the judiciary and the executive branch on September 29, 2010.
6 The EU released the names of 32 individuals on April 15, 2011, blocking all their financial resources, or those controlled through entities, individuals or organisations related to them. Additionally, no assistance or financial resources will be made available to these individuals through EU Member States whether directly or indirectly. Individuals and entities that operate under EU procedures will be fined for violating these procedures.
7 The draft bill will then need to be ratified by the Guardian Council.
8 Civil society organisations that would be affected by the law range from human rights, environmental and women’s organisations, through charities and organisations for the disabled, to employers’ and professional associations such as teachers’ associations. Political parties, trade unions and the Bar Association are regulated by different laws in Iran.
9 A broad coalition against war and for the promotion of human rights.
10 Mr. Soltani was released on bail in August 2009, following 70 days of arbitrary detention. However, he remains since then accused of “having acted against national security”. Mr. Dadkhah was released on bail in September 2009. On July 3, 2011, he was informed that he had been sentenced on May 21, 2011 to nine years in prison and a 10-year ban on practising law or teaching at university, on charges of alleged “actions and propaganda against the Islamic regime”.
11 Mr. Baghi was released on June 20, 2011.
12 Reportedly for his alleged membership in the DHRC and even though Mr. Tajik is not a member but only cooperated in the preparation of a report for the Centre.
13 In 2009 and 2010, Mr. Tajik was arrested three times. He was first detained immediately after the June 2009 presidential election for 46 days; then he was arrested in December 2009 and stayed 60 days in detention. He was last arrested on June 12, 2010 before being released on December 22.
14 See UN Secretary General Report, The situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, UN Document A/63/370, September 15, 2010.
15 Ms. Bayazidi is serving an imprisonment sentence of four years and a half in internal exile in Zanjan prison for “propaganda against the State”, “membership of an illegal organisation” and “acting against national security”.
16 In February 2011, Ms. Karami was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment on charges of “membership to human rights activists collective”, “propaganda against the system” and “assembly and collusion with intent to commit crimes against the national security”.
17 Ms. Nazarahari was arrested on June 14, 2009, before being released on a two billion rials bail (about 133,492 euros) on September 23, 2009. She was re-arrested on December 21, 2009 by security forces and transferred to Evin prison. Following international pressure, she was released on September 12, 2010 on a bail of five billion rials (about 333,721 euros).
18 Ms. Sahabi had been violently arrested on August 5, 2009 in Baharestan, spent 13 days in detention and again arrested at the end of December, 2009. She died as a result of an attack by security agents in June 2011.
19 See Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI) and International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
20 Mr. Behnoud Shojaee was a “juvenile offender” executed in October 2009 in Evin prison. Following his sentencing, Mr. Oliayfard had been briefly detained from March 8 to 15, 2010, and released because some legal technicality had not been complied with (i.e. the original sentence had not been communicated to all of his lawyers).
21 A few days before her arrest, she had reported to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran how the authorities were using tax harassment against human rights lawyers, including Ms. Shirin Ebadi, in order to limit their working conditions. Moreover, on August 28, 2010, Ms. Sotoudeh’s office and home were searched by members of the intelligence services and her assets frozen.
22 The accusations against Ms. Sotoudeh were based mainly on interviews with foreign media about her clients who were jailed after Iran’s disputed June 2009 presidential election. In another case brought against Ms. Sotoudeh for which she was tried by Branch 26 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in late December 2010 and February 2011, Ms. Sotoudeh was sentenced on April 19, 2011 to a 500,000 rials fine (about 33 euros) for failing “to observe the hejab” (Islamic dress code). Her prosecution and sentence follows a video taken during a ceremony in Italy on the occasion of a human rights prize being awarded to her, where she had not worn the headscarf. However, under the Iranian law, the Islamic Revolutionary Court does not have jurisdiction over such offence.
23 On May 18, 2011, Mr. Daneshju was arrested and taken to Sari prison to serve his sentence. In addition, Mr. Daneshju was disbarred along with another lawyer, Mr. Omid Behrouzi, for defending the rights of Dervishes. See International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
24 See International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
25 See LDDHI and International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
26 Messrs. Boutimar and Hassanpoor were arrested respectively in December 2006 and January 2007 and were sentenced to death in July 2007 after spending several months incommunicado. Mr. Hassanpoor’s death sentence was subsequently commuted to 15 years’ imprisonment and that of Mr. Boutimar to eight years’ imprisonment.
27 Mr. Kaboudvand was arrested on July 1, 2007 and has been detained at Evin prison since then. In May 2008, he was sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment for “acting against State security by establishing the [RMMK]” and one year in prison for “propaganda against the system”. The sentence was later reduced to 10.5 years in appeal in October 2008. On July 15, 2010, Mr. Kaboudvand lost consciousness in Evin prison due to irregularities in his blood pressure. Since then, Mr. Kaboudvand was reported to be suffering from severe dizziness, sensory-motor dysfunctions and optical disorders, which could indicate that he had suffered another stroke. Mr. Kaboudvand already suffered two heart attacks while in detention, in May and December 2008, and he also suffers from a renal prostatic disorder.
28 Arrested in 2007, Mr. Matinpour was sentenced in June 2008 to eight years’ imprisonment for “propaganda against the Islamic system” and “relations with foreigners”.
29 During his detention, Mr. Khanjani was put under pressure to give interviews before a video camera, and he spent the first 25 days of his detention in a solitary cell. See International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
Extracts from the Annual Report 2011 of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT)