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#46
april 2001
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La Lettre FIDH Newsletter |
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Editorial One more effort, Mr Kostunica! On Sunday 1st April
2001, the news was confirmed: Milosevic is behind bars. That sentence
deserves to be written out again; we've been waiting for this moment
for too long - let's savour it: yes, Milosevic has been arrested and
is on remand in Belgrade! Antoine
Bernard |
Contents Quiet days in Dakar for Hissein Habré A fortress under siege and the latest facts regarding human migration. Human Rights Defenders Between daily repression and international hypocrisy Analysis Analysis
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Second Summit of the Americas --------------------------------------- |
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>> From 20 to 22 April 2001 the 3rd Summit of the Americas1 bringing together the Heads of State and of government of the Americas (with the exception of Cuba) will be held in Quebec.
These meetings, of
which the first was convened in 1994 by the United States, have the aim
of discussing a vast set of iniatives divided into four big themes: the
preservation and the strengthening of the American democracies, the promotion
of prosperity through integration and free trade, the elimination of poverty
and discrimination, and lasting development Altogether this constitutes
an integration project on a continental scale. which all citizens,
men and women, participate fully and in of which commerce and investment
may have their place but that these may not be ends in themselves. international agreement. Quebec League of Rights and Liberties
Notes:
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Analysis |
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In our Letter of July 2000, we included a special issue on Colombia,
with a special focus on the 'Colombia Scheme', a vast programme negotiated
by the Colombian government and the United States which was allegedly aimed
at restoring peace in the country. This scheme, which is primarily based
on the fight against drug production and trafficking, is backed by a total
estimated 7 billion dollars, with the United States offering to provide
funding for the military aspects of the programme to an amount of 1.3 billion
dollars). The scheme was submitted for funding to the European Union last
summer, along with other potential donors, such as the United States, Japan
and Canada.
Although some EU member states (particuarly Spain and Britain), were clearly in favour of funding the scheme, the EU has now made its position clear about the Colombian peace process: it has clearly distanced itself from the militarist vision of the United States. The vast amount of lobbying and campaigning by Colombian, European and international NGOs has certainly contributed to the position of the EU. In its statement on 25 October 2000, the French Presidency in the nameof the European Union confirmed its intention to support President Pastrana's efforts for the peace process. 'For the EU, no military solution could lead to lasting peace'. The EU considers that 'peace can only be based on an overall agreement, and it [the EU] is planning to discuss its proposals within the framework of the broadest possible consultation, which should also include civil society'. The EU has thus decided to implement a substantial European scheme, according to its own procedures, aimed at sustaining the efforts to restore peace in Colombia. This programme, in contrast to the scheme proposed by the United States, will not have any military component. It will be structured around the strengthening of the Rule of Law and of democratic institutions, Human rights and international humanitarian law, the fight against the causes of violence and support of the victims. The
European Union considers that the advancement of the peace process should
be based on the fight against the causes of violence, which lie in a state
of social inequality that goes beyond the conflict caused by the guerilla
movements and drug trafficking. Therefore the EU has decided to encourage
the Colombian government to adopt a policy of structural reform which
help to reduce the inequality and to increase people's standard of living,
particularly in rural areas. (cf. Statement of 25 Oct. 2000). After the Statement of last October had been adopted by the EU, the FIDH called on the European Commission to give its genuine support to a Social Agenda for Peace which should be drafted jointly with all those involved in the conflict and with civil society. The FIDH brought it once again to their attention that a series of alternative development schemes had already been negotiated between the Colombian government and the different communities, but that they had not been able to implement those schemes yet, due to the lackof resources. These schemes should receive priority support from the European Union. In
February 2001, the European Parliament noted that 'the Colombia Scheme
contains aspects which are contrary to the co-operation strategies of
the EU and which put its co-operation plans at risk', and has called on
the EU to maintain 'its own, non-militarist strategy' as far as the Colombian
peace process is concerned. The Parliament insisted that the strategy
of the EU should be a combination of 'objectivity, transparency, participation
of civil society and the involvement of those who are gathered around
the negotiating table' (Sec. 9). The dialogue between the Colombian government and the FARC was resumed several weeks ago, with representatives from several European countries who decided to play a 'facilitator' role in the discussions: four countries of the EU will be part of the Good offices Commission with the FARC. The European Union has now clearly embarked on supporting the Colombian peace process, with its own vision of putting an end to this conflict. This is, no doubt, an important step in the construction of a genuine European foreign policy. We hope that the EU will maintain this position during the next meeting of the support group for the Colombian peace process which will be held in Brussels on 30 April. Marie de Coune |
| Analysis
A fortress under siege and the latest facts regarding human migration. |
| Six months
ago more than one hundred people from Mali, Chad and Nigeria who had emigrated
to Libya, were killed in the course of a huge racist attack while that country's
security services, normally so 'effective', stood by and did nothing to
stop this murderous, racist outburst. During the days which followed, more
than thirty thousand immigrants were repatriated to their countries.
Since July 2000, regular police raids have been organised in the streets of Beirut against 'illegal immigrants' and asylum seekers, for the most part Iraqis and Sudanese. Hundreds of them have probably been expelled and sent back to their country of origin. Thousands, perhaps tens of thousands of Iraqis wander along the pavements of Amman They are waiting for a country, any country, to agree to take them in. Between the hell of Baghdad and an unattainable Eldorado, they have been vegetating, some of them for eight years. In the Straits of Gibraltar high school educated young Moroccan men are dying .. These are just a few examples to remind us of what researchers (Gildas Simon, Catherine de Wenden etc..) have been pointing out for a long time: a great drive to migrate towards Europe obviously exists and will continue to exist, but we are a long way from the image of a besieged fortress at risk of being engulfed by uninterrupted floods of asylum seekers and the poor. So, whichever criminal network organised their odyssey, the Kurds whose boat ran aground a few weeks ago in the South of France, bear witness to the acute suffering of their people and to all those lost souls in the Mediterranean region. Fundamental developments. In under three decades, the nature of population shifts in the European part of the Mediterranean area has utterly changed in line with four important principles. The settling of immigrant populations who had arrived in the great industrialised countries of Western Europe (France, Germany, the United Kingdom ) during the years of intense growth. In nearly all of these countries, according to the official ending of the entry of foreign workers, we moved in the mid-seventies from a temporary and economic migration to an immigration of whole populations. The increasing numbers of young people, women and older people amongst the foreign population have changed its character and fortunes. The confirmation that
the countries along the south-facing shoreline of the Mediterranean (Italy,
Spain, Greece and Portugal) have become the new countries to accept immigrants.
These four countries which have inherited a strong tradition in which
their own nationals emigrate, are in their turn themselves confronted
with the need to control strong pressure from an illegal workforce, but
also with profound changes in their economies which require the support
of foreign workers. These countries, of which three have been admitted
relatively recently to the European Union, have had to adapt their policies
on immigration to the new common trends. The vast increase in political crises: millions of people have had to flee from conflicts or have been expelled for political reasons in the wake of the three geo-political crises which the region has experienced: the civil war in Lebanon, the Gulf War and the Balkan wars. The effects of these major crises are still being felt as asylum seekers continue to arrive in Southern Europe today, victims of the confrontations of several years ago, or indeed of even older conflicts (Palestine and Kurdistan) Other indicators bear witness to the upheavals still in progress. So countries which are normally considered poor, having always had a strong tradition of emigration (Jordan, Lebanon and even Egypt) are today receiving hundreds of thousands of foreigners of both sexes, while the policy of closing European frontiers turns countries like Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia or Turkey into waiting areas or transit countries, thus forming minorities of foreigners. In the same way, every country we look at is seeing the scope of immigration expand: the most sought-after destination is no longer the former colonial metropolis. From day to day the influx of migrating souls becomes more diverse and the number of their destinations multiplies: immigration, in the broad sense of the term going beyond the mere economic aspect, is no longer just a South-to-North reality, but equally, if not more so, a movement South-to-South. The truth of the matter still remains widely unknown, primarily because of the absence of statistics and precise studies. In most countries which are poor or where there is conflict, very few, if any resources are allocated to researching the extent of migration, whether their nationals who have gone abroad or foreigners who have come and settled (or are merely in transit) in their territory. But above all, the scale of human migration continues to expand and today affects all continents and all countries: it is in this wide perspective that we must begin to think seriously about immigration to Europe, which is not taking on board all the suffering of the world. Driss
El Yazami |